Rohingya issue and concerns for Bangladesh

Bangladesh is opposite new challenges that has philanthropically, political and safety scopes. It's very appalling that Myanmar is on total renunciation mode. The ferociousness of the massacre on the people is implausible. So far, the replies from India and China have been very unsatisfactory. This is one of the most complex safety and benevolent situations that Bangladesh has ever faced. We need a firm and united stance to face the crisis.

I contemplate this is the final step of the long-drawn Myanmar policy of reimbursement Arakan of Rohingyas. This policy was planned during the Ne Win regime in 1962 that ended in the preparation of 1982 Citizenship Act. In Myanmar there is also a myth that Bangladesh desires to carve out a ground in Rakhine and the Rohingyas will play a quisling role in serving Bangladesh. We have been near sighted the appearance of these rules since 1978, and the latest influx of Rohingyas into Bangladesh is the nastiest human misfortune we are feeling. More than three-fourth of the Rohingya population of 1.2 million have fled to Bangladesh over the last forty years. If that has been so are we less than pro-active in expressing a policy on Rohingya and Myanmar? From both military and political point of view, we have long taken Myanmar as decided. We have not tailed a intelligible strategy that proves a very well-thought-out cogent policy on our part.

Myanmar today has a disguise of equality because the generals deride the state psychotherapist Suu Kyi. The state therapist is frightened of the generals. From behind the scene, the military regime is resounding on the rules that were started as early as in 1962 and they are taking benefit of the image of Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

Bangladesh has been enduring and established, and we have tried to resolve the issue jointly. However, I also find that there is a gap anywhere in the context of what happened in the recent past. We may not have correctly assessed two aspects of the issue.

One aspect is that Bangladesh is speechless with the influx which is causing socio-economic difficulties, and the other aspect is human rights, the massacre, religious harassment and ethnic cleansing that's going on.

So far, our attention has been absorbed only on the first aspect. I think it is only lately that we have obvious to make human rights desecration an issue and that is where we lag. Focusing on the second aspect-the context of increased brutality and denial of Myanmar authorities-would have been more productive.

The Rohingya issue has posed outside and interior safety threats to Bangladesh because Myanmar is living down our neck. Almost every day, as I educated from newspapers, the forces are firing here and there and their airplanes are disrespectful our territory.

We need a violent and proactive mediation. We still do not know whether Bangladesh has sent any envoy to India and China to discuss the continuing crisis. We must involve these two nations. However, we are discouraged with what Modi said during his visit to Myanmar. China is the only country which has effect over the Myanmar military. Unless we can bring to bear on the Myanmar armed a strong pressure, this problem is not likely to be determined anytime soon.

We need a active and complex strategy. There is a series of gadgets such as R2P (Accountability to Guard), International Criminal Court and Rape as a Crime Against Humanity that should be practical to presentation a robust political effort.

Nobody can deny that carnages have been dedicated in Rakhine and security forces failed to prevent the carnages. Since they have failed, there should be an international mediation force and that is the quarrel Bangladesh should place before the worldwide forums.

Rohingyas had fled to other republics as well. So, there should be an global meeting, with or without UN participation, with these countries. It is high time we sent representatives to India and China as Myanmar has already done so.

We need to comprehend the alteration that is taking place in Myanmar's society since 2011. One is the rise of MaBaTha Movement, a Buddhist spiritual separatist movement which is

very popular in Myanmar. This group sees Muslims as their adversary. Furthermore, in Myanmar, Buddhism and state devices are integrated. As a result, the hatred for Muslims has been institutionalised in state rules. The Myanmar government passed four laws in 2015: Population Control Law, Buddhist Women Wedding Special Act, Religious Adaptation Law and Exclusivity Law. All these are intended to inhibit communication between the Burmese and Muslims in Myanmar and to target the Muslim population in western Rakhine.

Bangladesh's policy concerning the Rohingya issue has fundamentally been ad hoc. We do not have a plan. It has been there for 30 years. But now it looks like it is attractive a really serious problem because Myanmar is philanthropical its ultimate push.

As an idea, "safe zone" is very profitable. But to generate a safe zone either Myanmar has to decide or the UN Security Council has to pass a resolve to do so. We have failed to get provision from India. How will we be able to mobilise other enduring members of the Security Council? I think the preliminary point should be sending party-political leadership to the capitals of the P5s [five permanent members of the UN Security Council] first to find out where they stand on the issue. If we get the go-ahead then our foreign missions can start occupied.

Bangladesh is increasingly evolving economic ties with Myanmar. In 2016, the total value of formal trade between the two countries was USD 80 million. We need to stay ambassadorial efforts to solve the crisis and normalise kindred between the two neighbours.

I would suggest mobilising the SAARC first because almost all the members of this regional forum are exaggerated by the Rohingya crisis.

The government should take measures to register these evacuees and provide them biometric identity card. All these people should be sheltered in government ordered locations so that the government can keep track of them and prevent further abuse of these helpless people by vested interests.

Safe zone is a dangerous issue. Unless all the big powers are brought into agreement there is little option of creating a safe zone. I had experience of working in a safe zone in Mozambique under UN management where we tried to protect the rebels by putting them all in an area. However, due to a difference of feelings among the P5 countries we had to recklessness the plan. In the case of Myanmar, it has not been declared as a conflict zone; so, the idea of making a safe zone there is not realistic.

I want to focus on the role of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. They should have taken a favourable attitude towards the report of Kofi Annan-led command. But what they did is the contradictory. It seems they have been misinformed by some foreign forces. We need to take account of their role very extremely. It has serious security insinuations for Bangladesh.

We are near sighted a rise of sacred nationalism on both sides of our border. There has been a gap at both the academic and policy level in the sense that when we talk about counter-radicalisation we only count Islamic radicalisation. But other kinds of religious radicalisation can be a causative factor towards the overall milieu of religion-centric radicalisation.

What is going on in Myanmar is a amalgamation of active killing and ethnic emptying. It is the same as what we faced during 1971. During that time Indira Gandhi played a dynamic role in favour of the wronged people. But now India under Modi is doing the conflicting.  Again, in 1978 Bangladesh managed to activate Saudi Arabia. This time we have unsuccessful to do so. We need to send the communication very clearly to India, China and other countries who are maintaining silence over this issue that they are supporting genocide by keeping silent or ignoring it.

When I was GOC between 2006 and 2009 in the Cox Bazar area, due to local politics, we didn't want to call the Rohingya people refugees. With the votes of Rohingyas, local members and chairmen want to win votes and that is why they do not allow them to become listed refugees. Bangladesh could have played the refugee card had it registered all Rohingyas since they started coming into Bangladesh. There was a dilemma for Bangladesh regarding national safety and the philanthropical aspect. We have received many Rohingyas but formally our position is that Myanmar or the Rohingya issue is not our issue, whereas this is our major problem. We should have a clear policy that we will record all Rohingyas who are entering Bangladesh under the present condition. And the refugees should be kept under UN supervision.

Finally, I do not see any merit of the proposal of leading joint operation with Myanmar army.

Bangladesh should influence the international community to put pressure on Myanmar to stop what it is doing to Rohingyas. ASEAN is an significant platform which needs to be mobilised to create pressure on Myanmar. ASEAN members, predominantly Indonesia, have voiced their strong antagonism to the ongoing genocide in Myanmar.

We should focus on and internationalise the issues of carnages and brutalities in contradiction of the Rohingya people. Otherwise, those people will not return to Myanmar.

Not registration all Rohingya refugees who entered Bangladesh over the last few weeks was a mistake. Without registration them, we will not be able to tell the worldwide community about the influx. I welcome the government's latest step to keep the refugees in a certain area of Cox's Bazar.

We have forgotten that Rohingyas in Arakan also on condition that us shelter during 1971. It was unlucky that concerted efforts were being made by a section of the civil civilization and media to label the Rohingya refugees as IS terrorists or BNP-Jamaat agents. We have totally unexploited the point that the Rohingya issue an ethnic issue. These people have been denied their rights which they had relished former.

The government's policy towards the Rohingya refugees was myopic and of ad hoc basis. There is a state of denial about these refugees. The government always abandoned the issue of undocumented Rohingyas. Our foreign ministry would not be able to show a single document where they emphasized the problem of these undocumented people in any international forum-even in UNHCR.

The government has expressed a national strategy document which is full of contradictions. On the one hand, we are saying that our missions abroad should actively engage the international community to present the case that these people have been methodically wronged in their country of origin. On the other hand, the government is recommending the beefing up of security and border structure and there is not an iota of recognition that this is a charitable problem. Even the overseas ministry does not use the word Rohingya. We essential to come out of this attitude.

The report of Kofi Annan-led nine-member multi-sector optional command to investigate the claims of rights abuses against Rohingyas was wishy-washy, which was unforeseen. It didn't mention the Rohingya people as Rohingyas. Rather, they termed them as the Muslim community of Rakhine. By accepting this definition, the Bangladesh administration is also delegitimising the rightful claim of the Rohingyas as an ethnic community which relates to their political and human rights. This denial is applying the Myanmar authorities to hound these people as Bengali migrants.

In recent times two meetings of UN Security Council were held correspondingly on March 17 and August 30 this year on this issue but nothing came out. What is our enduring mission in UN doing?

Finally, the division between political parties of Bangladesh over the Rohingya issue is hurting our efforts.

There are changed resolutions at the international level. One is third country immigration. In 2010, there was a process going on at least for the registered refugees to be settled in different countries. At least 1,000 people were settled in different countries through this process and 2,000 were in the waiting list. At the time, from Bangladesh's point of opinion, it was seen as a pull factor. But that needs to be reviewed because the international community, particularly the US, repeatedly showed interest in such a resettlement process.

In the national strategy there is a delivery for humanitarian assistance. This strategy was endorsed in the cabinet in 2013. There are many anomalies between what the government is doing and what it is preaching. Bangladesh administration should place somewhat concrete about its position regarding Rohingyas.

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics undertook a certification effort in 2016. Under this programme they made a database of Rohingyas living in Bangladesh. The findings of folder should be used at the diplomatic level.

Acting on ad hoc basis is not continuously a bad thing. We need to take a supple stance so that we can adjust our policies with other players. The government has taken numerous creativities regarding Rohingyas but we are not aware of that. The government has a role here to make people aware of the various intrusions.

I want to make some proposals including keeping the refugees in a skilful area, properly registering them, engaging the international public, and raising the issue in international forums like the UN, ASEAN and Commonwealth. 

The government can organise an inter-faith dialogue where representatives of various countries, including Myanmar, are present.

We are falling prey to Myanmar's trap by terming ARSA as a terrorist group. By suggesting joint processes with Myanmar army, we have conceded to the narrative preached by Myanmar and India.

Myanmar Army Chief is seeking support from the Rohingyas to remove Bengali terrorists and at the same time they are wiping out the whole ethnic municipal. We need to challenge such kinds of contradictory narratives preached by Myanmar.

I want to focus on two things: inviting international media and holding a regional conference in Cox's Bazar to inform the international community about the sorry state of Rohingya refugees.

 We have not been able to build a good association with Myanmar. We have elapsed them for forty years. Recently, in an exam I asked 250 students to write the name of the capital of Myanmar. Almost all of them failed. How can we deal with Myanmar when we have very little information about them?

 I want to share my experience of serving in Myanmar from late 1993 to late 1997. At that time we had more than one lakh Rohingyas in Bangladesh. Except 21,000, we successfully sent back all the Rohingyas to Myanmar with the help of UNHCR.

Myanmar is hard to deal with. Direct communication with Myanmar will not be of much help. Bangladesh should proceed with the help of other countries, particularly the big powers. We have to mobilise support from ASEAN, China, India and Japan.Bangladesh government released a document on September 6, 2017 cataloguing what it has done to the Rohingya issue since 1978. I do not understand why the government had to wait so long to publicise its efforts. On the one hand, in 2012 we said we will not use the word "Rohingya" but in a meeting, that took place in July-August this year our representative said the word "Rohingya".

The world municipal was slumbering and that was why there was genocide in Rwanda and in the Balkans. We need to make them aware that if they keep sleeping this time, the result this time will be similar. What's going on in Rakhine State is ethnic cleansing. The government should mobilise each resource available including civil society and academicians in Bangladesh, and not only the government officers.